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Has South Sudan’s Independence been Joyous and Painful?

by Jok Madut Jok courtesy The Niles

JUBA – Despite the euphoria that followed South Sudan’s independence, few citizens would have thought that secession alone would halt the long history of suffering and ensure prosperity, stability and security, as Jok Madut Jok comments.

(CC) Khalid Albaih | www.flickr.com/photos/khalidalbaih/

Many South Sudanese did not see secession as the ultimate solution to the north and the south’s intractable military and political clashes that date back 192 years. Despite the prevailing sense of freedom, expectation and hope for a better life, people were aware of a variety of historical facts likely to hamper independence.

South Sudan at the search for its Soul: Jok Madut Jok at TEDxJuba.
(© 2012 TEDx)

For example, 25 years of the last phase of war between north and south left the new republic one of the world’s most war-torn countries since World War II. It has what the United Nations describes as “scary statistics”, such as high rates of maternal and infant mortality, low literacy rates and dilapidated infrastructure.

People are also well aware of a disconnect: The government and urban populations viewed the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) as marking the end of the war, while ordinary rural folk witnessed other layers of conflict that were not addressed by the CPA, such as ethnic clashes, militias left over from the north-south war and other sources of insecurity.

There was also scepticism about the ability of the government to be just and equitable in governance and responsibly manage resources. Additionally, there is a general sense that Sudan may have split into two, but the rump state, the Republic of Sudan, has not really left the new state of South Sudan alone, as indicated by the behaviour of Khartoum’s government in terms of border security, economic war, oil disputes, and aggression against South Sudanese in the north. It is as if Khartoum thought that an independent South would continue to be treated like Continue reading →

The #OSJUBA event stresses early moves by net activists in South Sudan

by Frédéric Dubois, courtesy APCNews

Imagine a city torn by war, overwhelmed with daily influx of people from the countryside, becoming the capital of a country from one day to the next. And then picture crazy computer people ruffled together in an abandoned supermarket, thousands of kilometres away, in another city, trying to fix the first city. These two images put together are called #OSJUBA. OS for open source and Juba for the capital of the latest country in the world, South Sudan.

photo courtesy the Association for Progressive Communications (APC)

Juba is a post-conflict city, one of the fastest growing cities in the world, on the banks of the White Nile, a branch of the mighty Nile. Juba is also the capital city of South Sudan since the country gained independence in July 2011. But what’s almost certainly wrong with this picture, are the crazy supermarket people. Because crazy they are not!

This past June 21 and 22, dozens of aid workers, software developers, politicians, civil servants and many more came together in Berlin at an event called #OSJUBA to answer to a simple but tricky question: Juba. The World’s first Open Source City? Organised by r0g, an ‘agency for open culture and critical transformation’, the event was meant as the kick-off of an idea. That idea was to look at creating a vision for the development of Juba, based on non-proprietary tools and systems, drawing not only on the expertise of the South Sudanese diaspora and local populations, but also on that of the large communities behind the many open source initiatives around the world . «By bringing together those interested in open, collaborative tools and techniques, with those interested in post-conflict development, we tried to Continue reading →

The Independent Press in South Sudan: “I’m not radical, I’m flexible”

by Waakhe Simon Wudu courtesy The Niles

JUBA – A year since South Sudan gained its independence, journalists and rights activists still express concern about inadequate press freedom. An interview with one of South Sudan’s most outspoken independent journalists and publishers, Nhial Bol.

Nhial Bol Aken, Managing Director of Citizen Publications Limited and Editor-In-Chief of The Citizen newspaper, is one of the most prominent journalists in Juba. 2012 © The Niles | Waakhe Simon Wudu

Q: Mr. Bol, recently Atem Yaak Atem, the Deputy Minister of Information and Broadcasting, said: “One of the important aspects of the struggle was to establish a better society where there is justice, equality and freedom of expression.” Has press freedom improved since independence?

A: If you have observed the cases of journalists who have been beaten, arrested, harassed and humiliated since independence, it is clear that we are heading for the worst. We cannot say that there is press freedom when we do not have a legal instrument or a law that regulates it.

Q: The South Sudanese Information Minister, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, described the media environment in South Sudan as “hostile and dangerous,” due to the absence of the legal framework you mentioned. The media bills have been passed by the National Council of Ministers and await legislation by the National Parliament. Why did the president order the withdrawal of the bills? Continue reading →

The Sudanese press after separation: Contested identities of journalism

by MICT, courtesy The Niles

BERLIN – A new MICT study examines the history of the Sudanese press and shines a spotlight on the current situation. It provides an in-depth analysis of Sudanese journalists’ experience of print journalism.

The study includes an infographic (page 19) illustrating the dynamics of the Sudanese press. © MICT | design by Benjamin Dahl

Since 2009, the team of The Niles has witnessed how Sudanese journalism functions within a complex web of party politics, governance, and media. This observation was the starting point for further research into the multiple links between politics and the media in post-secession Sudan. This publication contains the first results of that research:

The historical review also deals with the Southern press and includes unpublished material like this scan of The Advance, the by then mouthpiece of Southern communists, December 31, 1964. © Durham University Library

In Chapter 1, Roman Deckert outlines the historical context, illustrating how Sudan’s press was repeatedly transformed as politics shifted. He shows how the two spheres affect one another: Media development is constrained by politics, but the media can also trigger political change.

The chapter reveals how Sudan’s press cannot be seen as a linear process of increasing censorship and repression. Instead, journalists have faced periods of fluctuating press freedom, pluralism and restriction. Journalistic practices have morphed, in keeping with the prevailing climate of tolerance or restriction.

Following this historical review, Chapter 2 shines a spotlight on Sudan’s current media landscape. Roman Deckert depicts the role of government and non-government institutions, legal frameworks, press freedom, and pluralism in Sudanese print media.

In Chapter 3, Anke Fiedler provides an in-depth analysis of Sudanese journalists’ experience of print journalism. By exploring themes like their self-image and motivations, markets and impact, individual agency and its boundaries, she highlights the challenges and rewards of day-to-day work as a journalist in Sudan.

The chapter is based on interviews with 15 key figures from Sudanese journalism in Khartoum, conducted in December 2011, and includes a qualitative analysis of these conversations. Her findings document the profession’s high social standing, which helps compensate for poor pay and constant official scrutiny, and the ways in which newspapers instigate political discourse – despite their lacklustre circulation figures.

A man in Khartoum reads a copy of al-Ray al-Aam, March 12. © Qusai Akoud

Fiedler also probes why journalists opt for a profession in which they risk censorship – and even imprisonment. Finally, she charts journalists’ contrasting opinions about how Sudan’s division has impacted journalism.

In Chapter 4, Magdi Elgizouli provides an overview of political profiles of Sudan’s leading newspapers, detailing their histories, ownership and stakeholders, as well as the journalistic quality of each publication. For reference, a glossary of the political parties is included.

This volume seeks to impart a deeper understanding of the political nature of the Sudanese press. Through observation, research and analysis, it also conveys a multifaceted impression of Sudanese journalists’ working conditions.

It tries to paint an authentic and differentiated picture of their situation, looking beyond stereotypes of the Sudanese press as “unfree” and hence not worthy of further research. By combining facts and figures with journalists’ personal anecdotes and opinions, it captures the complexity of the subject – a subject which, as the infographic on page 19 accurately reveals – is far from straight forward.

Student Protests in Sudan: an Interview with Girifna co-founder Nagi Musa

[Montréal, Québec, Canada 19°C] On June 24, 2012, David Widgington spoke with Sudanese activist and co-founder of Girifna, Nagi Musa, from his location in Cairo about the student demonstrations and violent repression that is currently taking place in Khartoum and elsewhere in Sudan.

Nagi spoke about the founding of Girifna during Sudan’s election campaign in 2009, its evolution during South Sudan’s referendum and separation period and Sudan’s current upheaval that started when students began protesting against the fee increases for student housing that has expanded into a larger upheaval related to austerity measures and the soaring inflation rates, among other issues. Nagi implores people to always work toward the improvement of society with regards to social justice, human rights issues, etc.

In relation to student movements worldwide and their important role in initiating active social change, Nagi says, “In Sudan and worldwide, students are always in front. they are more active. They are more courageous to stand up for their rights. They are more connected and organized.”